End of a conflict or Beginning of a new era of Conflict
By M C Arun
India is the father and the Naga is the son. This was once expressed by Th Muivah of NSCN (IM). He is quite skilled in using various symbols, phrases for political rhetoric. This skill is often used in various situations. His famous and well-quoted phrases include ‘unique history,’ ‘alternative arrangement’. His most recent rhetoric, “Integration is a must as without integration there will be no permanent settlement” provokes mixed feelings and confusion among the students of current politics, Naga scholars and even the Indian journalists. His rhetoric statements are interpreted boldly by the Naga ‘frontal organizations’ of NSCN (IM) (not of the people, it seems). The Nagas in Manipur can speak anything to the tune of Muivah rhetoric, even if it goes against the dominant group the Meiteis in Manipur. They call the Meitei as exploiters citing examples of the historical past; the Kings and Chief Ministers are portrayed as perpetuators of Meitei interests. Th Muivah knows how a king in any kingdom behaves (as he learned politics in Imphal and Gauhati). He also knows the interests of the king. In spite of his knowledge of any kingdom, his call for ‘Naga’ awakening is essentially against the Meitei. Though Th Muivah knows the difference between Sacred space and Secular space in a society, his followers would cite examples of Meitei’s denial of tribal (non-Hindu) in Meitei sacred spaces. Though he knows how modern capitalists are operating in the world because of his exposure to various international forums, his Socialist Council takes the Meitei who fail to adapt to the capitalist mode of production, as oppressors. Though NSCN (IM) knows how to synchronize the Naga pulse with the Old Kuki pulse to the extent that Old Kukis come under the umbrella of the Naga, Th Muivah cannot take ENPO groups into confidence for his never-ending peace negotiations. However, his rhetoric really works among various sections of Manipur’s population in shaping anti-Meitei feelings, but cannot target the Assamese who are more interactive with the Nagas of Nagaland. Perhaps Th Muivah in his inner self knows that the Meitei is not the end of Naga politics. The tribal development programmes have many defects so also the Integrated Rural Development Schemes. The political economy of the State (even of the North East India) needs to be examined very carefully with broader parameters without which Naga problems will not find a permanent solution. The insurgent group, formed in 1980, may see its end of days and NSCN (IM)’s “age-old problems” may be solved. This end point may bring ethnic tensions or tension between Naga groups; but it may not be any political solution of Naga problems. Muivah’s vision of “sharing of ‘function’ between the Government of India and the Naga Government” is not only ambiguous but also impractical since the Government of India is bound by Indian constitutional provisions. Th Muivah recently denied that he has accepted the Indian Constitution; he does not say how long he will deny. Still he advocates his vision of ‘sharing’ with Government of India among the Naga Hoho and United Naga Council. If he has to share any function with Government of India, the arrangement will be either within the framework of Indian Constitution or a Union of Naga political authority and Indian Union. Only the negotiators know which one is what the Government of India prefers. Is this sharing what UNC calls for ‘Alternative Arrangement’? Government of Manipur might have learnt certain lessons when its representatives went to meet the representatives of the ‘frontal organizations.’ Many political observers wondered at the necessity of such talks while the parent organization was holding negotiations with Government of India. Sharing ‘function’ with Government of India in Naga dominated areas with bypass surgical operations in Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh may not be a good political arrangement, given the ethnic compositions of these States. On the other hand, Government of India in general and Union Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde in particular do not have a clear cut picture of the peace talks as reflected in the newspaper items. Both the parties shy away from what is going on at the negotiation table. NSCN (IM) could not declare what has been reached at this point at Dimapur; likewise, Sushil Kumar Shinde does not have anything even to share with Governments of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. Government of India should have a clear mind whether it deals with NSCN (IM) or the Naga Problem. The two are becoming separated day by day as seen in independent political developments over last two years in so-called Naga inhabited areas. Moreover, the Government of India should understand that many more insurgent groups are looking into these developments. Election 2013 in Nagaland may not be turning point of Naga solution; it may become the boiling point of various other minor problems.
Government of India now and then commits mistakes by sending its top ranked officials to the so-called Naga inhabited areas in Manipur for one political mission or other in the name of national seminars, workshop or developmental schemes. This creates more tensions among the ethnic groups in Manipur. Rather Government of India needs to identify the Naga problem as it is perceived and should convey it to the general public of the State. They should also convey what NSCN (IM) says of the Naga Problem. By doing so, the people of the State could play meaningful role in solving the Naga Problem. Keeping the ‘problems’ in secrecy unnecessarily provokes suspicions and anxiety in people’s collective minds. The people of Manipur cannot be kept at ransom for any negotiation including the one between NSCN (IM) and Government of India. The Government of Manipur should take initiatives in understanding the real Naga problems – not only its long standing political demands but also their economic and social rights. The tribal poverty should be studied from right angles, not only from human rights perspectives. Is poverty because of the tribal economy or of being Naga or of being Kuki or of being neglected due to various other socio-political reasons? Is there any exploiter? If so, who is the exploiter? Give the public the detail information of Naga problems. Let them know at least the Naga and Kuki performances in Manipur administration and developmental programmes. Government of Manipur should initiate such a move. By knowing the exact picture of tribal exploitations and developmental lapses, the people of Manipur may help the governments concerned to solve the problems. Let NSCN (IM) be blessed by the public as they have been suffering in finding a solution.
Now the Father’s burden is to deal with Naga problems as well as problems among the Naga groups. The burden is more aggravated with non-co-operation of Assam and Manipur. These two States say that they are not shared or consulted on what is going on in Delhi. The Father does not take these States into confidence or is reluctant to approach these States because of the volatile situations. The Son’s double burden is to force India to recognize contiguous Naga inhabited areas across four States in North East India as Naga homeland which is contested by all other ethnic groups; if India recognizes it, it would be moral victory for the NSCN (IM) and a historical task of building a common ground for the future Nagas. The Son also has another burden to show that they are the real party working for Naga ‘integration’ and interests which are contested by many political players in Nagaland, even in Manipur. Their main hurdle is people’s confidence in Nagaland. Son’s performance in Nagaland is not well accepted by various groups. This hurdle is real and cannot be removed easily with rhetoric speeches. Even NNC expresses that Muivah statements are full of meaningless terms and phrases.
Th Muivah knows very well that if anything goes wrong in dealing with the hard earned ‘conclusion’ of the negotiation, history will not forgive him. His attempt to bring NSCN (KK) into confidence is a good move. However, Th Muivah is a seasoned politician and well experienced insurgent who sacrificed his youthful life for the Naga cause. Overcoming these inter-tribal problems within a single umbrella is not that easy as it was imagined in 1980 when he formed NSCN out of the remnants of NNC. The Son’s failure to take Naga public into confidence, even hearing poor Naga’s voice on ongoing peace process between India and Naga raises many voices against the collective leadership.